A THEORY OF THE SOCIOLOGY OF WOMEN – Hellen Moore & Jane Ollenburger, 1989.

For example, sex role analyses use bipolar concepts, such as masculinity and femininity as givens. Even models of androgyny anticipate the reality of a continuum with fixed masculine and feminine end points. Thus, the language used in creating patriarchal and sex role theories sets parameters that cannot be ignored or transformed by the models themselves.”

Explain the development, maintenance, and change of women’s oppression in the range of cultures we can use as examples (Chafetz, Feminist Sociology, 1988). The reasons for building a feminist theory or explanation are clear. But why build a sociological theory? Are the problems created by patriarchal theory and liberal feminist theory inherent to the sociological theory building process? We believe it is not. Theory as a practice can itself be examined from a feminist perspective, analyzed for potential consequences, and revisioned for its potential contributions to an understanding of women’s lives”

A major challenge for feminist theorists is to bridge the structural and interpretive approaches available in the social sciences and in women’s studies theory. An integrative theory of women’s oppression should draw from all available models, not to construct a hodgepodge, but with an eye toward the patchwork quilt of women’s traditional crafts. Such a patchwork would take the useful concepts of feminist models and draw them together to make a strong theoretical fabric”

The post-structuralists argue that we cannot answer the question, ‘Are there women?’ (De Beauvoir, 1974; Eisenstein and Jardine, 1980). We believe that the questions must be asked, even if the medium of language will ultimately distort the reality of those lives.”

Drawing on the radical feminist theories, we also propose that, in a patriarchal system, men set the exchange value. As Hartmann and others have pointed out, capitalism goes hand in hand with patriarchy in most Western industrial nations (Hartmann, 1984).” Vago.

the lives of black women prior to the Emancipation Proclamation have been limited to a few diaries and to public records that define blacks as property. Immigrant and black women’s work was not recorded separately by race from white women until the 1890’s, and various Hispanic groups have been tabulated as white at various points in time. Not until the 1980 census were significant Hispanic cultural groups separated such as Cubana, Chicana, and Puerta Ricana for research and policy discussion.”

the absence of marital rape laws in the majority of states identifies the informal and formal definitions of sexual control for men.”

Women who do not fit this family-centered framework are thrust out of the normative definitions of sexuality: lesbians, nuns, spinsters [solteironas], prostitutes, and women in the pornography industry.”

The notion of recreational, non-reproductive sex (the use value of sex) is a relatively modem phenomenon, particularly for married women. This new model of sexuality has generated an avalanche of media images, novels, advice books, and self-help groups to create norms for the practice and enjoyment of women’s sexuality. Much of this recreational sexual identity has been based upon historical and erroneous definitions supplied by men: the norm of the vaginal orgasm, definitions of the sexually attractive, and control of the verbal and nonverbal cues for sexual initiation”

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